If white radicals are serious about revolution, they are going to have to discard a lot of bullshit ideology created by and for educated white middle-class males. A good example of what has to go is the popular theory of consumerism.
As expounded by many leftist thinkers, notably Marcuse, this theory maintains that consumers are psychically manipulated by the mass media to crave more and more consumer goods, and thus power an economy that depends on constantly expanding sales. The theory is said to be particularly applicable to women, for women do most of the actual buying, their consumption is often directly related to their oppression (e.g. makeup, soap flakes), and they are a special target of advertisers. According to this view, the society defines women as consumers, and the purpose of the prevailing media image of women as passive sexual objects is to sell products. It follows that the beneficiaries of this depreciation of women are not men but the corporate power structure.
Although the consumerism theory has, in recent years, taken on the invulnerability of religious dogma, like most dogmas its basic function is to defend the interests of its adherents—in this case, the class, sexual and racial privileges of Movement people.
First of all, there is nothing inherently wrong with consumption. Shopping and consuming are enjoyable human activities and the marketplace has been a center of social life for thousands of years. The profit system is oppressive not because relatively trivial luxuries are available, but because basic necessities are not. The locus of oppression resides in the production function: people have no control over which commodities are produced (or services performed), in what amounts, under what conditions, or how these commodities are distributed. Corporations make these decisions and base them solely on their profit potential. It is more profitable to produce luxuries for the affluent (or for that matter for the poor, on exploitative installment plans) than to produce and make available food, housing, medical care, education, and recreational and cultural facilities according to the needs and desires of the people. We, the consumers, can accept the goods offered to us or we can reject them, but we cannot determine their quality or change the system’s priorities.
As it is, the profusion of commodities is a genuine and powerful compensation for oppression. It is a bribe, but like all bribes it offers concrete benefits—in the average American’s case, a degree of physical comfort unparalleled in history. Under present conditions, people are preoccupied with consumer goods not because they are brainwashed but because buying is the one pleasurable activity not only permitted but actively encouraged by our rulers. The pleasure of eating an ice cream cone may be minor compared to the pleasure of meaningful, autonomous work, but the former is easily available and the latter is not. A poor family would undoubtedly rather have a decent apartment than a new TV, but since they are unlikely to get the apartment, what is to be gained by not getting the TV?
Radicals who in general are
heathily skeptical of facile Freudian explanations have been quick to embrace
this theory of media manipulation based squarely on Freud,
as popularized by market researchers and journalists like Vance Packard
(Marcuse acknowledges Packard’s influence in
One Dimensional Man). In essence,
this theory holds that ads designed to create unconscious associations between
merchandise and deep-seated fears, sexual desires, and needs for identity and
self-esteem, induce people to buy products in search of gratifications no product
can provide. Furthermore, the corporations, through the media, deliberately create
fears and desires that their products can claim to fulfill. The implication is
that women are not merely taken in by lies or exaggerations—as, say, by the suggestion
that a certain perfume will make us sexually irresistible—but are psychically
incapable of learning from experience and will continue to buy no matter how often
we are disappointed, and that in any case our need
to be sexually irresistible
is programmed into us to keep us buying perfume. This hypothesis of psychic
distortion is based on the erroneous assumption that mental health and
anti-materialism are synonymous.
Although they have to cope with the gyppery inherent in the profit system, people for the most part buy goods for practical, self-interested reasons. A washing machine does make a housewife’s work easier (in the absence of socialization of housework); Excedrin does make a headache go away; a car does provide transportation. If one is duped into buying a product because of misleading advertising, the process is called exploitation; it has nothing to do with brainwashing.
Advertising, in fact, is a how-to manual on the consumer economy,
constantly reminding us of what is available and encouraging us to indulge
ourselves. It works (that is, stimulates sales) because buying is the
only game in town, not vice versa. Advertising does appeal to morbid fears (e.g.
of body odors) and false hopes (of irresistibility) and shoppers faced with
indistinguishable brands of a product may choose on the basis of an ad (what
method is better?), but this is just the old game of caveat emptor.
It thrives on naivete and people learn to resist it through experience. Other
vulnerable groups are older people, who had no previous experience—individual
or historical—to guide them when the consumer cornucopia suddenly developed
after World War II, and poor people, who do not have
enough money to learn through years of trial, error and disillusionment to be
shrewd consumers. The constant refinement of advertising claims, visual effects
and so on, shows that experience desensitizes. No one really believes that smoking
Brand X cigarettes will make you sexy. (The function of sex in an ad is probably
the obvious one—to lure people into paying closer attention to the ad—rather
than to make them identify
their lust with a product. The chief effect of the
heavy sexual emphasis in advertising has been to stimulate a national preoccupation
with sex, showing that you can’t identify away a basic human drive as easily
as all that.) Madison Avenue has increasingly
de-emphasized motivational
techniques in favor of aesthetic ones—TV
commercials in particular have become incredibly inventive visually—and even
made a joke out of the old motivational ploys (the phallic Virginia Slims
ad, for instance, is [15] blatantly campy). We can conclude from this that either the depth
psychology approach never worked in the first place, or that it has stopped
working as consumers have gotten more sophisticated.
The argument that corporations create new psychological needs in order to sell their wares is equally flimsy. There is no evidence that propaganda can in itself create a desire, as opposed to bringing to consciousness a latent desire by suggesting that means of satisfying it are available. The idea is superstitious: it implies that the oppressor is diabolically intelligent (he has learned how to control human souls) and that the media have magic powers. It also mistakes effects for causes and drastically oversimplifies the relation between ideology and material conditions. We have not been taught to dislike our smell so that they can sell deodorants; deodorants sell because there are social consequences for smelling. And the negative attitude about our bodies that has made it feasible to invent and market deodorants is deeply rooted in our anti-sexual culture, which in turn has been shaped by exploitive modes of production and class antagonism between men and women.
The confusion between cause
and effect is particularly apparent in the consumerist
analysis of women’s oppression. Women are not manipulated by the media
into being domestic servants and mindless sexual decorations, the better to sell
soap and hair spray. Rather, the image reflects women as they are forced by men
in a sexist society to behave. Male supremacy is the oldest and most basic form
of class exploitation; it was not invented by a smart ad man. The real evil of
the media image of women is that it supports the sexist status quo. In a sense,
the fashion, cosmetics, and feminine hygiene
ads are aimed more at men
than at women. They encourage men to expect women to sport all the latest
trappings of sexual slavery—expectations women must then fulfill if they
are to survive. That advertisers exploit women’s subordination rather than
cause it can be clearly seen now that male fashions and toiletries have
become big business. In contrast to ads for women’s products, whose appeal
is use this and he will want you
(or if you don’t use this, he
won’t want you
), ads for the male counterparts urge, You too can
enjoy perfume and bright-colored clothes; don’t worry, it doesn’t
make you feminine.
Although advertisers are careful to emphasize how
virile these products are (giving them names like Brut,
showing
the man who uses them hunting or flirting with admiring women—who,
incidentally, remain decorative objects when the sell is aimed directly at men),
it is never claimed that the product is essential to masculinity (as
make-up is essential to femininity), only compatible with it. To
convince a man to buy, an ad must appeal to his desire for autonomy and freedom
from conventional restrictions; to convince a woman, an ad must appeal to her
need to please the male oppressor.
For women, buying and wearing clothes and beauty aids is not so much consumption as work. One of a woman’s jobs in this society is to be an attractive sexual object, and clothes and make up are tools of the trade. Similarly, buying food and household furnishings is a domestic task; it is the wife’s chore to pick out the commodities that will be consumed by the whole family. Appliances and cleaning materials are tools that faciliate her domestic function. When a woman spends a lot of money and time decorating her home or herself, or hunting down the latest in vacuum cleaners, it is not idle self-indulgence (let alone the result of psychic manipulation) but a healthy attempt to find outlets for her creative energies within her circumscribed role.
There is a persistent myth that a wife has control over her husband’s money because she gets to spend it. Actually, she does not have much more financial authority than the employee of a corporation who is delegated to buy office furniture or supplies. The husband, especially if he is rich, may allow his wife wide latitude in spending—he may reason that since she has to work in the home she is entitled to furnish it to her taste, or he may simply not want to bother with domestic details—but he retains the ultimate veto power. If he doesn’t like the way his wife handles his money, she will hear about it. In most households, particularly in the working class, a wife cannot make significant expenditures, either personal or in her role as object-servant, without consulting her husband. And more often than not, according to statistics, it is the husband who makes the final decisions about furniture and appliances as well as about other major expenditures like houses, cars and vacations.
The consumerism theory is
the outgrowth of an aristocratic, European-oriented anti-materialism based on
upper-class resentment against the rise of the vulgar bourgeoisie. Radical
intellectuals have been attracted to this essentially reactionary position
(Herbert Marcuse’s view of mass culture
is strikingly similar to that of conservative theorists like Ernest Van Den Haag)
because it appeals both to their dislike of capitalism and their feeling of
superiority to the working class. This elitism is evident in radicals’
conviction that they have seen through the system, while the average working slob
is brainwashed by the media. (Oddly, no one claims that the ruling class is
oppressed by commodities; it seems that rich people consume out of free choice.)
Ultimately this point of view [16] leads to a sterile emphasis on individual
solutions—if only the benighted would reject their plastic
existence
and move to East Village tenements—and the
conclusion that people are oppressed because they are stupid or sick. The obnoxiousness of this
attitude is compounded by the fact that radicals can only maintain their dropout
existence so long as plenty of brainwashed workers keep the economy going.
Consumerism as applied to women is blatantly sexist. The pervasive image of the empty-headed female consumer constantly trying her husband’s patience with her extravagant purchases contributes to the myth of male superiority: we are incapable of spending money rationally; all we need to make us happy is a new hat now and then. (There is an analogous racial stereotype—the black with his Cadillac and magenta shirts.) Furthermore, the consumerism line allows Movement men to avoid recognizing that they exploit women by attributing women’s oppression solely to capitalism. It fits neatly into already existing radical theory and concerns, saving the Movement the trouble of tackling the real problems of women’s liberation. And it retards the struggle against male supremacy by dividing women. Just as in the male movement, the belief in consumerism encourages radical women to patronize and put down other women for trying to survive as best they can, and maintains individualist illusions.
If we are to build a mass movement we must recognize that no individual decision, like rejecting consumption, can liberate us. We must stop arguing about whose life style is better (and secretly believing ours is) and tend to the task of collectively fighting our own oppression and the ways in which we oppress others. When we create a political alternative to sexism, racism, and capitalism, the consumer problem, if it is a problem, will take care of itself.
Ellen Willis is an activist in Women’s Liberation. She is currently working in a G.I. organizing project in Colorado.
Women and the Myth of Consumerism in Ramparts Vol. 8, No. 12 (June 1970). 13-16.