Three dollars will buy a bound volume of The Transatlantic. It contains an equivalent of twelve hundred octavo pages of reading matter by the best writers of the world. See advertisement in another column.

John B. Barnhill (post-office address, Xenia, Illinois) is preparing a primer of sociological literature. Any pertinent contributions or suggestions will be thankfully received by him. Above all, the compiler will endeavor to do full justice to all the social creeds, especially in respect to the literature which each presents. To this end he requests all who may read this to send him a list of what they consider the Ten (or more) Best Books on social reform. Two separate lists might be prepared, one to include the most instructive works, the other the most inspiring. Request is also made for such observations with respect to the particular value and service found in each book as might prove helpful to other students.

The plan proposed by Mr. Donisthorpe in the Herald of Anarchy for the organization of a league to resist by force the State’s aggressions does not materially differ from that which the Anarchists have always had in view. But it is worse than useless to attempt to carry it out before acquiring the requisite strength. Mr. Donisthorpe’s plan presupposes the existence of a hundred active, resolute, determined, not-to-be-frightened Anarchists in the town where it is attempted. I think that one hundred is too small a number to insure success, but in what town of England or America can even that number be found? I am afraid, after all, that education must be our sole method for some time yet. It must be admitted, however, that Mr. Donisthorpe is doing much by his works to establish his faith. It appears from a statement just published by him, with which I shall soon favor Liberty’s readers, that he, all alone, has been forcibly and successfully resisting the Free Library tax in England for several years.

Those who read the articles of Tak Kak, J. K. Ingalls, and William Hanson, in this issue, will see that I am not as lonesome as I was. Judging from developments thus far, the outlook is that the line of division on the copyright question, so far as believers in liberty are concerned, will coincide pretty closely with that which separates Individualism of the ordinary type from Anarchistic Socialism. The Individualists, who do not see the close connection between denial of competition and usury (Proudhon, by the way, shows perpetual copyright to be a form of usury), and who, though valuing liberty, do not see in it a solution of the labor question, will be found, almost to a man, on the side of copyright; the Anarchistic Socialists, who look upon monopolies in the economic sphere as the most serious violations of Individualism, will be found nearly unanimous in opposition to copyright. Not a single Anarchistic Socialist, so far as I know, has as yet publicly signified approval of the position taken by Mr. Yarros and Mr. Simpson. A few, as mistaken as themselves, may appear later, but the sentiment of the Anarchists as a body will remain that of consistent antagonism to usury in all its forms. The attitude of the Individualists is what one would naturally expect, but that of Mr. Yarros and Mr. Simpson, who in other respects are Anarchistic Socialists, is an anomaly. For my own part I regard their support of literary monopoly as really, though not as seriously, a departure from Anarchism as though they had supported the banking monopoly. Of course this is only my personal opinion, which leaves them the same liberty to regard me as a wanderer from the faith because I oppose copyright. But it must be remembered that I am only saying what I have always said, reiterating a thing which I have steadily put forward as an essential of the Anarchistic programme, and heretofore without any sign of protest from them; whereas they are suddenly denying that to which they have heretofore given at least the consent of silence. And those who know Mr. Yarros and Mr. Simpson and their well-established reputation as prompt kickers (I do not use the word in an odious sense) will allow that especially where they are concerned it is fair to assume that silence gives consent. In fact, I have had every reason to believe, until within a very few weeks, that they were as earnest opponents of copyright as myself.

J. K. Ingalls is unable to see how credit based on a legalized monopoly can benefit such as have no interest in the monopoly, or save them from rent, tariff, and patent right tax. Mr. Ingalls seems to be under the impression that money benefits only those to whom it is issued. This is not the case. Whenever an honest and capable business man gets credit, the whole community is benefited, because the tendency of the resulting extension of business is to raise wages and lower prices. And this will remain true whatever the basis of the credit, provided that basis has sufficient value in it to redeem the obligation if necessary. As to ground rent, tariffs, and royalties. I have never claimed that free money will abolish them, but that these result from separate monopolies, all of which must be abolished. Still I think that free money would have a tendency to diminish ground rent by lessening concentration in cities, and would lead to free foreign trade by depriving the protectionists of their only good argument,—that, in the absence of an abundance of money, importation should be discouraged in order to keep the little money that there is from leaving the country.

The Philadelphia Press prides itself on being a stalwart Republican organ. Its fidelity to tariffs, banking monopolies, and other manifestations of the spirit of protectionism, is above suspicion. In the light of these considerations the following extract from that paper’s editorial columns, valuable and significant in itself, becomes doubly significant and interesting. The money order system which has been introduced by the United States Express Company promises to be a great public convenience, says the Press. In Chicago it is applied to the payment of gas bills without running to a distant gas office. There are in that city a hundred offices where the gas bills can be paid. The arrangement is entered into between the gas company and the express company and the agents are authorized to receipt the gas bills and attach thereto a money order. Arrangements have been made in Philadelphia between the Receiver of Taxes and the United States Express Company whereby the former agrees to receive in payment of taxes the money orders of the United States Express. This company has established sixty offices in Philadelphia for the sale of these money orders, and it will be a matter of great convenience to the residents of the city. The fact is that money can be sent by express money orders at much less expense, bother, and delay than by postal orders. This money order of the United States Express Company is nothing less than a bank draft, and in security and negotiability corresponds to a cashier’s draft, with the United States Express Company and its numerous agents as the bank. These money orders can be cashed at 15,000 express offices. Banking institutions take them like currency, since, unlike postal orders, they are negotiable anywhere. No blank application has to be filled out by the purchaser; no waiting for a letter of advice on the part of the recipient of the order. Besides the order itself, you get a receipt; the order you forward by mail, and the receipt you keep as an absolute guarantee against loss. The Press concludes with this reflection: It is the constant introduction of conveniences like this that marks the steady advance of modern civilization. Doubtless the Press would be much surprised to hear that the facts it states with such satisfaction constitute a most potent practical argument against all government monopoly, and especially against the postal monopoly; but to many less stalwart Republicans this, it is hoped, will not be difficult to understand.