Nullification

Nullification.— A lecture was given on Thursday evening at Concert Hall by the Rev. Simeon S. Jocelyn, of New-Haven, on the following subjects: The grand feature of Nullification; its real cause, not the Tariff; its extent; its cause, or the Republic, must be destroyed.

The object of the lecturer was to show that its grand feature was the nullification of law and civil rights, and that its real cause was not the Tariff, but Slavery. He expressed his belief that it would be as extensive as the slaveholding interest; therefore, slavery must be abolished, or the Union destroyed.

We cannot recapitulate all the arguments going, as he thought, to prove that slavery was the real cause of Nullification, but he stated, as one of them, that the advocates of Colonization had repeatedly applied to Congress for aid in removing the free people of color to Liberia, and that the Colonization Society was violently opposed by Southern Slaveholders, because it would, as they believed, remove their operatives, or in other words, lead to the emancipation of their slaves. He said that it was not his object then to discuss the subject of Colonization, but he declared, if we did not misunderstand him, that rightly viewed, it does not tend to emancipation.

Another argument used by the lecturer, as proof that Slavery is the real cause of Nullification was, the excitement produced by the South by the discussion of the subject of emancipation at the north! The Legislature of Goergia, said he, had offered a reward of $4000 for the apprehension of a gentleman now with us, because he had pleaded the cause of the oppressed slave. The Committee of Vigilance of Charleston (S.C.) had offered $1500 more. It was common to hear Southern men say, If you persist in efforts for immediate emancipation, you separate the Union. A Southern man to-day, If you persist in this course you will divide the Union.

The individual, for whose apprehension the above rewards were offered, was the editor of the Liberator. He entered the Hall in company with the lecturer, and is known to entertain corresponding opinions.

We have no disposition, nor do we intend to engage in any controversy with the lecturer, or his friends and abettors, in their crusade against the slaveholders of the South. Domestic slavery is a question which a Northern man, a resident of a non-slaveholding State,should approach with much caution, and perfect temperance of feeling and utterance, if he touches it at all; and to us, it is very questionable whether the political compact does not positively forbid his interference, either directly or by ambiguous approaches. We have, however, a few remarks to make relative to the assertion that, Southern men say, if you persist in your efforts for immediate emancipation, you will divide the Union.

It cannot be doubted that if the course pursued by the editor of the Liberator, and his colaborators, was generally countenanced by the people of the non-slaveholding States, or if the people of the South should get the impression that the North sanctioned such measures, it would tend to the speedy dissolution of the Union. New-England would be disloyal to the Federal Compact if she was guilty of such dereliction from the duty she owes to the general weal.

The fact is that, comparatively speaking, very few persons sanction these measures, who understand their actual bearing on the slaves, the free blacks, or the white citizens of the South; but recent communications give us some reason to fear that a contrary impression is becoming prevalent there, and it is time that this error of opinion should be corrected. A letter from a highly respectable gentleman, an ardent friend of emancipation, at Richmond, (Va.) says—Nothing is more dreaded here, by the great mass of persons, opposed, on principle, to slavery in this region, than such inflammatory publications as the Liberator. They throw increased obstacles in the way of emancipation; and if they could have all the influence that seems to be aimed at, they would bring on a struggle that must result in the extermination of the blacks. Another gentleman writes: The difficulties, or rather the impossibility, of immediate abolition, in the present state of public sentiment, (and that is not likely to alter,) points to gradual emancipation as the only or best resource. Any attempt to interfere with this question, will prove more disastrous to the Union than all Nullification. These gentlemen are both firm friends of emancipation; and there is reason to believe that they express the sentiments of the most intelligent and efficient of its advocates at the South.

We have remarked that an impression begins to prevail at the South that New-England sanctions the mad schemes of the immediate abolitionists. It arises naturally thus: Our brethren of the South say, We understand these men are admitted to your pulpits, apparently under the sanction of your ministers and your churches. Some of your newspapers speak of their lectures with commendation; others in such a manner, that we do not know whether they approve or disapprove them, whilst the greater part of your journals are entirely silent on the subject. Are we wrong in interpreting this silence into tacit assent? Why do you not speak out, and tell us what you think, and what you mean to do?

These enquiries are pertinent; they demand an answer. They have a momentous bearing on the awful crisis now at hand, and it is high time that New-England should rebuke the restless spirits who would expose her whole people to the contumely and hatred of the South. We will speak out. We will tell the citizens of the slaveholding States that we disavow, absolutely and entirely, any participation in the measures of which they complain, and that we do not and will not sanction them.—Boston Transcript.

Nullification.—We heartily approve of the spirit of the remarks under this head in the Transcript of this evening. A wanton agitation of the subject of SLAVERY, at this crisis in the affairs of the country, should be frowned down with indignation, and it will be frowned down. The people of New-England know their duty and their honor better than any Lecturer can teach them. We have thought that a thorough discussion might do good; but we think so no longer. Every mail’s intelligence convinces us to the contrary. We hold with the Transcript, that domestic slavery is a question which a Northern man, a resident of a non-slaveholding State, should approach with much caution, and perfect temperance of feeling and utterance, if he touches it at all; and to us it is very questionable whether the political compact does not positively forbid his interference either directly or by ambiguous approaches.—Evening Gazette.

Nullification.—A lecture was delivered here a few evenings since, we understand, by a gentleman from Connecticut, the object of which was to show, that the Tariff was only the nominal, and not the real source of Nullification; that, to speak in plain terms, the true root of the evil was the Slave System; and that this evil must be remedied, or the Union must cease to exist.

We did not hear the performance referred to, nor have we been able to meet with any person who did; but we cannot forbear availing ourselves of the opportunity suggested by the occasion of protesting against wanton agitation of such a subject at such a time. Let the cause of Nullification be what it may, and let the Slave System be what it may, it is enough for this moment that both exist; that the Union is in peril, owing to the unfortunate exasperation already existing between some portions of the people in reference to others; and that it requires all the wisdom and coolness of the constituted authorities of the land to meet the emergency as it is. Interference and agitation can do no good. Probably they must do immense harm. Cease hammering upon Slavery, at all events, till it be determined, as it soon must be, whether or not we are to be as we have been, citizens of the same empire, or sovereignties arrayed against each other at the point of the bayonet.

What makes the course we allude to still more improper, in our view, than it is unpopular with the great mass of New-England people, is, that the lecturer himself declared, we learn, that the South already feels on this subject as we have intimated. They say to us—Let alone Slavery, or you dissolve the Union. We ask again, then, in the name of Christianity and common sense, while all this eternal hammering upon this subject at this time? The motive may be ever so good; but how can the effect be other than that of an inveterate, blood-thirsty fanaticism?

Boston Traveller.

With the exception of a very few individuals, New-England protests against the views and designs of what is called the Anti-Slavery Society. She feels and she knows that she has no right to intermeddle with her brethren of the South on this subject. ☞The Colonization Society is a plan devised by the South itself for the purpose of colonizing free blacks who may be disposed to emigrate to Africa, and New-England will cheerfully contribute her aid in the advancement of that humane object.—Atlas.

Original Document

PDF: Nullification in The Liberator Vol. II., No. 52 (December 29, 1832). 206.